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<title>The Flogging (Flood's Blog)</title>
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<description>Expostulations by Anthony Flood</description>
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<dc:date>2008-01-21T18:01+00:00</dc:date>
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<item rdf:about="http://anthonyflood.powerblogs.com/posts/1200938298.shtml">
<title>Ron Paul and "Fringe" Journalism</title>
<link>http://anthonyflood.powerblogs.com/posts/1200938298.shtml</link>
<description>...</description>
<dc:creator>Anthony Flood</dc:creator>
<dc:date>2008-01-21T17:01+00:00</dc:date>
<content:encoded><![CDATA[<br />
Last week Bret Stephens, a pundit for Rupert Murdoch’s <i><a href="http://online.wsj.com/article/SB120036562308490333.html?mod=opinion_main_commentaries">Wall Street Journal</a></i> (WSJ), breathed the following prayer of relief: “With so much at stake in this election, it's no small blessing that Dr. Paul remains a man of the fringe.”  Not a week later, however, more Nevadans voted for him than for a “frontrunner,” John McCain.  In fact, Nevada is where Paul has broken through to double-digits, i.e., 14%.  (CBS News’ Bill Whittaker reported last Friday, and repeated on Saturday, that Mitt Romney, who won Nevada, campaigned “alone.”  That same news outfit’s grey eminence, Bob Schieffer, intoned on Saturday that Romney’s campaign was “uncontested.”  Anyone who searched "Ron Paul Nevada" last week, however, would have found several local press reports on the contesting Schieffer said didn’t happen.  CBS News’ thrice-told falsehood can be explained, as far as I can tell, in one of only two ways: ignorance of the news or an intention to suppress it.  Neither possibility squares with pretensions to being a news organization.)<br />
<br />
Two days after Stephen’s op-ed, LewRockwell.com published Independent Institute scholar Robert Higgs’ response to it, <a href="http://www.lewrockwell.com/higgs/higgs72.html">Libertarian Foreign Policy in the Hobbesian Crosshairs: Reply to Bret Stephens</a>.  It addressed most of the pundit’s historical and philosophical errors, but a couple of points not handled were the subject of an e-mail I sent to Stephens the day his column appeared:<br />
<br />
<blockquote><br />
You’re right, Mr. Stephens, “Mankind is not comprised solely of profit- and pleasure-seekers; the quest for prestige and dominance and an instinct for nihilism are also inscribed in human nature.” That’s precisely why no such flawed creatures ought to be put in charge of managing Leviathan.  <br />
<br />
Rolling back empire is not “disengagement from the world.”  It’s just rolling back empire.  The quip Senator McCain’s that you cited accurately reflects the heft of the bombardier’s “thinking,” as does the condescending grin he wears when Dr. Paul is outlining his Taft-Republican positions.<br />
<br />
After thirty-years of reading on the subject, I have yet to find a libertarian who believes that “things go better when left alone.”  Libertarians believe that what you must leave alone are things that don’t belong to you.  The world is not comprised wholly of peaceful co-operators on free markets, of course, but a world of free markets is the optimal one for handling violent non-cooperators.  By the latter I especially mean Leviathan’s convenient terrorist bogeymen <i>du jour</i>, whose ranks would be much diminished without the daily incentives that the empire provides around the globe (to the applause of papers like <i>The Wall Street Journal</i>).<br />
<br />
As “non-fringe” candidates break open their piggy-banks to see what they have left to invest in Super-Duper Tuesday, it is no small blessing to libertarians, as it must be no small curse to you, that pro-empire editorialists still find it necessary to wield their pens against Dr. Paul and his “fringe” movement. <br />
</blockquote><br />
 <br />
The major dead-tree media continue to hemorrhage.  The <i>Journal </i>itself lost one percent of its readership last year, according to today’s <i><a href="http://www.knoxvoice.com/news/articles/nations-newspapers-continue-to-lose-readers-on-credibility-trust-issues-critics-say-30.html">Knoxville Voice</a> </i>(which is where I had to go to get facts about dead-tree disease, from which, the <i>Voice</i> itself admitted, it was not immune).  Our prayer is that in a few years the WSJ will be a fringe newspaper on the order of, say, the <i><a href="http://www.pww.org/">People’s Weekly World</a></i>.  Meanwhile, Ron Paul’s campaign is enjoying its third biggest <a href="http://www.ronpaul2008.com/">fund-raising day</a>.  (Its first two were for the record-books.)<br />
<br />
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<item rdf:about="http://anthonyflood.powerblogs.com/posts/1200516780.shtml">
<title>When Acton Met Whitehead?</title>
<link>http://anthonyflood.powerblogs.com/posts/1200516780.shtml</link>
<description>...</description>
<dc:creator>Anthony Flood</dc:creator>
<dc:date>2008-01-16T20:01+00:00</dc:date>
<content:encoded><![CDATA[<br />
On July 11, 2007, I wrote the following to an <a href="http://www.anthonyflood.com/bradleyxnmorality.htm">F. H. Bradley</a> scholar: <br />
<blockquote><br />
Your note provides me with an opportunity to ask for help regarding a matter that's been puzzling me.  The lives of two of my intellectual heroes, <a href="http://www.anthonyflood.com/acton.htm">Lord Acton</a> and <a href="http://www.anthonyflood.com/whitehead.htm">Alfred North Whitehead</a>, overlapped at Cambridge, so I'm wondering if it is even <i>ascertainable </i>whether the younger man, who was a Fellow in Mathematics there (1888-1910) when the historian was delivering his inaugural Regius Professorship lectures, attended those standing-room-only events.  Whitehead was very much interested in history and theology in those years (1895-97), so it is possible that he was present.  It's a purely factual matter that I'm sure someone like Roland Hill or Owen Chadwick could settle, but I do not feel comfortable bothering men so advanced in years just to satisfy my curiosity.  (The Cambridge site was not very helpful.)  The truth of the matter may very well be lost to history, but I'd like to take a few more steps before I come to that conclusion.  Thanks for any thought you may give to my query.<br />
</blockquote><br />
<br />
His gracious response was that he could not help.  On July 23, 2007 I wrote to a Whitehead scholar:<br />
<blockquote><br />
When I took notice recently of the fact that two of my heroes, Acton and Whitehead, were at Cambridge at the same time, I wondered whether if it was even ascertainable whether the younger man, a Fellow in Mathematics there (1888-1910) when the historian was delivering lectures inaugurating the Regius Professorship of Modern History, attended those standing-room-only events.  After all, Whitehead was studying history and theology during the period overlapping those years (1895-97), so it was likely he did attend them.  <br />
<br />
Today the first volume of Lowe’s life of Whitehead, which I had once read and reserved last week through inter-library loan, arrived.  On page 186 I read that Whitehead admired Acton, was keenly aware of his “troubles with Rome,” proposed a Cambridge memorial to him, and did indeed drop “in on some of his lectures after Acton was appointed” to that chair.  “But I know of no discussions between them.”  <br />
<br />
OK, so my initial curiosity has been satisfied, and then some.  But there’s more.  Last week I learned that Acton had rooms in Nevile’s Court (once home to Newton and Francis Bacon).  Today I learned (from a Googled excerpt of Roland Hill’s <i>Lord Acton </i>which, again, I read years ago without thinking about this matter) that his room was “staircase 2, A1, on the first floor.”  (His library would later occupy the apartment next door).  <br />
<br />
Picking up Lowe again, I read that when “Whitehead married [in 1891], he changed the rooms given him by Trinity College, moving from a large, high-ceilinged room (C2) in Nevile’s Court to a modest one there” until 1902, the year Acton dies.   So during the years of the lectures, at least, Acton and Whitehead are neighbors.  (I hope someone at Cambridge can tell me the proximity of their rooms to each other.)  <br />
<br />
But there’s more.  Lowe mentions that in the mid-‘nineties McTaggart formed Eranos, a philosophical discussion group, and that while Whitehead was a member, he did not think much of it.  And today I read in <a href="http://www.acton.org/publicat/books/pla/pla_intro.html">James C. Holland’s Introduction to Owen Chadwick’s study of Lord Acton</a> that “it was at Cambridge that he gave it [i.e., “his commitment to moral judgment in history”] definitive and final expression, in May, 1897, in the privacy of his Trinity rooms in Nevile's Court, where he [Acton] addressed a select society, the Eranus [sic], which never numbered more than twelve members.”  <br />
<br />
Now, this is not the crowd that the Regius lectures attracted: they were held in the large lecture rooms.  This is an elite group whose members know each other.  It seems highly likely that not only Whitehead was present, but he almost certainly conversed with Acton, whose path he must have crossed in the corridors of Nevile's Court many times.  Did they converse?<br />
<br />
What could settle the matter may very well be lost to history, but I would not like to draw that conclusion prematurely.  It may involve asking men, advanced in years, like Roland Hill or Owen Chadwick, about published diaries that might hold the answer.  Or maybe someone who works in an office at Trinity knows whether there are attendance records extant that confirm Acton and Whitehead's being in nearly unavoidable contact with each other.<br />
<br />
Did these two giants converse?  Well, that’s my question!  Who might know how to go about answering it?  <br />
</blockquote><br />
With equal graciousness, my correspondent passed my query along to a Whitehead studies center, but no one has contacted me or, apparently, him. <br />
 <br />
It seems highly probable that Acton and Whitehead did converse, but there is no direct evidence to that effect.  I’m hoping that someone who finds this post can add the detail that for all practical purposes removes my iota of doubt. <br />
<br />
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<item rdf:about="http://anthonyflood.powerblogs.com/posts/1191000932.shtml">
<title>Well, so much for resolutions!</title>
<link>http://anthonyflood.powerblogs.com/posts/1191000932.shtml</link>
<description>...</description>
<dc:creator>Anthony Flood</dc:creator>
<dc:date>2007-09-28T17:09+00:00</dc:date>
<content:encoded><![CDATA[<br />
And they weren't even the New Year's kind!<br />
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<item rdf:about="http://anthonyflood.powerblogs.com/posts/1180968288.shtml">
<title>An Anniversary, and a Resolution</title>
<link>http://anthonyflood.powerblogs.com/posts/1180968288.shtml</link>
<description>...</description>
<dc:creator>Anthony Flood</dc:creator>
<dc:date>2007-06-04T14:06+00:00</dc:date>
<content:encoded><![CDATA[<br />
Today this forum is two years old.  Unfortunately, I do not have the time to celebrate the occasion with a substantive post.  <br />
<br />
I do, however, resolve to keep this propertarian blog afloat in all its anti-democratic, anti-imperialist, and anti-Zionist glory.  I further resolve to view this creative activity as less of a "big deal" than I have tended to make out of it.  If I can keep the latter resolution, posting my beloved opinions should become more spontaneous and therefore more frequent.  <br />
<br />
Finally, I will no longer alert folks to publication of new posts, which has been my insecurity-revealing idiosyncrasy from the start.  If you have found this post, you have done so on your own.  And that is as it should be for its successors.<br />
<br />
<br />
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<item rdf:about="http://anthonyflood.powerblogs.com/posts/1177950870.shtml">
<title>British Libertarian Scholar Defends the Right to Deny</title>
<link>http://anthonyflood.powerblogs.com/posts/1177950870.shtml</link>
<description>...</description>
<dc:creator>Anthony Flood</dc:creator>
<dc:date>2007-04-30T16:04+00:00</dc:date>
<content:encoded><![CDATA[<br />
My favorite British libertarian writer has once again shown how to combine eloquence with courage.  The topic is the right to deny, in whole or in part, details of a contingent historical narrative as if it were <i>not</i> Holy Writ, a test any libertarian worthy of the name should regard as a "no-brainer."   <br />
<br />
Unfortunately many Americans libertarians fail that test by their silence.  Some of them will not breathe a word about the plight of incarcerated writers, not even the one who was <a href="http://anthonyflood.powerblogs.com/posts/1175530860.shtml">kidnapped on American soil</a> and deported to lands that yawn at the mention of our First Amendment right.  Yet these same pundits have plenty to share with us about their antiquarian, cultural, and even dietary pastimes.  You would never know from visiting their sites that the right to offend Holocaust orthodoxy with impunity had anything to do with being anti-state, anti-war, or pro-market.<br />
<br />
As Dr. Gabb shows, defending the right of someone to deny the Holocaust without fear of sanctions does not commit the defender to any version of events, ortho- or heterodox.  In fact, Gabb regards as probably true (what he takes to be) the central factual claim of the standard (i.e., culturally transmitted) Holocaust narrative, namely, the Third Reich’s intensification of its targeting of Jews, toward the end of the Second World War, resulting in millions of murders in its occupied territories.  <br />
<br />
But Gabb’s judgment of centrality is neither here nor there.  What is of moment is the impetus toward totalitarianism in Europe.  The increased compulsion there toward uniformity of creed on an historical contingency that invariably figures into contemporary rationales for war should concern us.  As Gabb has it, “It is one of the most ominous signs of the modern counter-Enlightenment that people can again be persecuted for their opinions.”<br />
<br />
I beg visitors who won’t take the time to read the whole of Gabb’s marvelous piece, and the epistemological questions it raises, to read at least a few more of my favorite sentences therefrom:<br />
<br />
<blockquote><br />
“What some call the promotion of hatred others call telling the truth. Quite often, whatever opinion the rich and powerful do not like they will find some means of calling ‘hatred.’  In any event, we believe in the right to promote hatred by any means that do not fall within the Common Law definition of assault.”<br />
<br />
“. . . in the standard accounts of the Second World War, the Katyn Wood massacre used to be blamed on the Germans, and now it is blamed on the Soviets. How can I be sure that the same is not true for the holocaust?”<br />
<br />
“. . . I can believe that Hitler was a bad man: this does not require me to believe that he ate human flesh.”<br />
<br />
“. . . considered purely in itself, the revisionist material is as persuasive as that of the mainstream historians.  At least one side in this debate is lying, and lying very fluently—but I am not able, on the basis of the evidence offered, to say who is lying.”<br />
<br />
“I believe in the central fact of the holocaust.  On the secondary issues mentioned above, where my authorities do not agree, I suspend judgment.  Take away the freedom to argue with or against these authorities, though, and my assurance that they are right must be weakened.”<br />
<br />
“Laws to compel belief in the holocaust do not mean it did not happen. But they do allow people to ask what kind of truth this is that needs laws to defend it. There are many people who know even less about the holocaust than I do, and who deny that it happened simply because David Irving is generally acknowledged to be an expert of sorts on the period, and he had to be locked up before he would shut up.”<br />
</blockquote><br />
<br />
Enough spoilers.  Read the article.  And as uniformity means just that, be prepared to defend in the near future not only “thought-criminals,” but their defenders as well.<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<b><a href="http://www.seangabb.co.uk/flcomm/flc159.htm">Defending the Right to Deny the Holocaust</a> <br />
by Sean Gabb</b><br />
<br />
Last week, on the 19th April, the Justice Ministers of the European Union agreed to make "incitement to racism and xenophobia" a <a href="http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/europe/6573005.stm">criminal offence</a> in all 27 member states. Despite the best efforts of the German Government, this does not mean that sceptical comments on the holocaust will become a crime in any European country where it is not so already. I am surprised that the British Government held out for a moderating of the final document so that all speech short of "incitement" will remain free. <br />
<br />
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But I doubt if the agreement made last week will be the last word in the matter. Already, nine member states of the European Union <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Holocaust_denial#Laws_against_Holocaust_denial">punish</a> denial or "gross revision" with imprisonment. There are calls for <a href="http://www.jewishsf.com/content/2-0-/module/displaystory/story_id/3274/edition_id/58/format/html/displaystory.html">criminalisation</a>  in England. I have no doubt these calls will grow louder.<br />
<br />
My own view—and I speak on this matter not only for me but also for the Libertarian Alliance—is that there should be no restrictions on freedom of speech where public affairs are concerned. This involves, among much else, the right to say anything at all about politics, religion, sex, science or history. It is no business of the State to tell people what they can and cannot think. Our bodies are our own. Our minds are our own. What we do with them is our business. It is one of the highest glories of the Enlightenment that states were shamed out of dragooning people into the various established worships of Europe. It is one of the most ominous signs of the modern counter-Enlightenment that people can again be persecuted for their opinions.<br />
<br />
Of course, there are people who claim to believe in freedom of speech, but who say that the promotion of "hatred" is a distinct matter. They say that "hate speech" is direct or indirect incitement to acts of violence against others, and so should be put down by law. This is not, on their reasoning, censorship. It is simply a matter of keeping the peace.<br />
We in the Libertarian Alliance reject this supposed distinction. What some call the promotion of hatred others call telling the truth. Quite often, whatever opinion the rich and powerful do not like they will find some means of calling "hatred". In any event, we believe in the right to promote hatred by any means that do not fall within the Common Law definition of assault.<br />
<br />
Perhaps you are one of those people who believe in a distinction between free speech and hate speech. This being so, I will drop any further mention of abstract rights and turn to a practical argument that is ultimately just as connected with keeping the peace. Let me ask: what reason have I to believe that the holocaust really happened?<br />
<br />
The obvious answer—that the standard history books say it happened—is not in itself much good. My first degree was in History, and I know enough about certain periods to say with confidence that even standard secondary sources are riddled with errors that sometimes amount to actual falsehoods. I will not discuss the numerous claims of doubtful truth made about the Later Roman Empire. I will only observe that, in the standard accounts of the Second World War, the Katyn Wood massacre used to be blamed on the Germans, and now it is blamed on the Soviets. How can I be sure that the same is not true for the holocaust?<br />
<br />
The next answer—that there are many witnesses to the holocaust still alive—is also not much good in itself. These people may have been in a concentration camp, and they may have seen atrocities. They did not see the holocaust in any synoptic sense. They may have been mistaken. One of my grandmothers, for example, lived in Kent all through the Second World War, and she went to her grave insisting that there had been an unsuccessful German invasion of England in 1940. There are millions of people who claim to have seen plaster statues of the Virgin weep real tears, and I am perfectly assured they are mistaken or lying. How do I not know that the holocaust survivors I have met or seen on television were not mistaken or lying?<br />
<br />
Or there is the argument from the agreed nature of the Hitler Regime. Almost everyone accepts that this acted in defiance of—and perhaps in open contempt for—the norms of civilised behaviour. This may be evidence for the probability of a holocaust. But it is hardly proof that one happened. On the same reasoning, I can believe that Hitler was a bad man: this does not require me to believe that he ate human flesh.<br />
<br />
To answer the question properly for myself, of whether the holocaust happened, I need skills and knowledge that I do not have and do not feel inclined to acquire. I need a good understanding of German, Polish, Russian, Hungarian and Hebrew, among other languages. I need to be able to track down a mass of primary sources, most of which are unpublished but are in various European and American archives. To evaluate all this, I need technical knowledge that I do not have - knowledge, for instance, about the lethal nature of Zyklon B gas, or of diesel fumes, or of how to burn bodies and dispose of the remains.<br />
<br />
I have not read even much of the secondary material that exists in English. This is not a subject that has interested me since I sat my O Levels. I have, though, read a very small selection of the material published on both sides of the debate. And what I can say of this is that, considered purely in itself, the revisionist material is as persuasive as that of the mainstream historians. At least one side in this debate is lying, and lying very fluently—but I am not able, on the basis of the evidence offered, to say who is lying.<br />
<br />
Nevertheless, I believe with reasonable firmness that the German National Socialists did try, during the last years of the Second World War, to murder every Jew they could set hands on, and that they succeeded in murdering several million. Whether this was a plan centrally conceived and centrally directed, or whether most of the killings were deliberate murder or the effects of culpable negligence, are not matters on which I have any opinion. But on the central claim of the holocaust, I am reasonably assured.<br />
<br />
I am assured of this on the authority of the mainstream historians. I have no means of knowing for myself whether the holocaust happened. But I take it on trust that it did happen. That is true for me, and it is true for the overwhelming majority of everyone else who believes the same.<br />
<br />
There is nothing in its nature unsatisfactory about knowledge based on authority. Most of what we know we cannot demonstrate on any grounds of direct evidence. I "know", for example, that light travels at 186,000 miles per second, and that the Earth is in an elliptical orbit around the Sun, and that the Earth is around 5,000 million years old. I am completely incapable of demonstrating any of this. I might even have trouble arguing with a convinced flat-earther. I believe all these things and much more beside because nearly everyone else believes them.<br />
<br />
I grant that we should not believe too much on authority that we are competent to investigate for ourselves. But the only real concern with such knowledge is not that it is on authority, but that the authority should be good. What makes authority good? The best answer is when it can be openly contested by others who claim to know better, but who have not convinced reasonable onlookers that they do.<br />
<br />
With regard to the holocaust, I have—broadly speaking—two options. I can believe that it did happen roughly as claimed. Or I can believe that it is a gigantic conspiracy of lies maintained since the 1940s in the face of all evidence. Since debate remains free in the English-speaking world, it should be obvious what I am to believe. I believe in the central fact of the holocaust. On the secondary issues mentioned above, where my authorities do not agree, I suspend judgment.  Take away the freedom to argue with or against these authorities, though, and my assurance that they are right must be weakened.<br />
<br />
In my case, let me say, laws against revising or denying the holocaust will not destroy my belief that it happened. There is still the long preceding time of open debate, and the unlikelihood that compelling new evidence either way has been discovered now. There is also the fact that many people will insist on laws in support of evident truths. If you are Jewish, for example, it may be very upsetting for people to say that your grandparents were not murdered in Poland in 1944, but are alive and well and living in Finchley. Or you may worry that scepticism about the holocaust will prepare the way for a repeat of it. Then there are the obvious financial and moral advantages that certain Jews and the State of Israel have obtained from the holocaust. Cries of anti-semitism are a good closing tactic for many debates that might otherwise be lost.<br />
<br />
Laws to compel belief in the holocaust do not mean it did not happen. But they do allow people to ask what kind of truth this is that needs laws to defend it. There are many people who know even less about the holocaust than I do, and who deny that it happened simply because David Irving is generally acknowledged to be an expert of sorts on the period, and he had to be locked up before he would shut up.<br />
<br />
Open mockery of deeply-held views, deliberate and gross offence, savage abuse that barely stops short of incitement to violence - these may well disturb the peace. Far worse, though, is the sort of hatred that boils beneath a seemingly placid surface, and then erupts into a disorder that cannot be checked by reason. That is the danger of laws to compel belief in the holocaust.<br />
<br />
And they make cranks into martyrs. Do you suppose the Libertarian Alliance enjoys putting out news releases in defence of David Irving? We put these out because we believe in freedom of speech with no exceptions. We put up with the cold shoulder from other civil liberties groups, and with raised eyebrows and outright smears. We are much happier defending the rights of sexual or social minorities, whose tastes we might ourselves share or do not think in the least reprehensible. We do what we believe is our duty, and do it as well as we can - but we regret the need to do it.<br />
<br />
And they set a precedent for further censorship. If people must be careful what they say about the holocaust, why not add the alleged Armenian genocide? Or the alleged Bosnian genocide? Or the alleged Irish genocide of the 1840s? Or the Divine Mission of Christ? Or the holiness of the Prophet? Why not have legal curbs on doubts regarding the nature and extent of global warming? Indeed, on this last, there are calls for the American President to be impeached http://www.thenation.com/blogs/thebeat?pid=163597 for his expressed doubts.<br />
<br />
Censorship is rather like torture. It is always possible to fabricate "exceptional circumstances" to justify it. Opponents can always be denounced as naive or tender-hearted. But it is always corrupting of civilised decency. Its general tendency is to undermine whatever it is called into being to uphold.<br />
<br />
I am glad that the British Government, among others, managed on this occasion to prevent a common scheme of censorship across the European Union. But I do not suppose, given the settled decline of faith in freedom of speech, that this will turn out to have been more than a holding action.<br />
<br />
NB - Sean Gabb's novel <i>The Column of Phocas </i>(£8.99) will be withdrawn from sale in the next few months, prior to its reissue in February 2008 by a multinational publishing group. Buy copies of the first edition while you can from http://tinyurl.co.uk/z31v or via Amazon: http://tinyurl.co.uk/2cnw .  The sequel has already been completed. <br />
You can download the first three chapters free of charge from: http://tinyurl.co.uk/kkl4 <br />
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<item rdf:about="http://anthonyflood.powerblogs.com/posts/1175530860.shtml">
<title>American Judicial Complicity in Zündel Kidnapping: The Details</title>
<link>http://anthonyflood.powerblogs.com/posts/1175530860.shtml</link>
<description>...</description>
<dc:creator>Anthony Flood</dc:creator>
<dc:date>2007-04-02T16:04+00:00</dc:date>
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The governments of two self-proclaimed “free countries," Canada and Germany respectively, have long regarded Ernst Zündel, a writer of pacifist conviction, of being a “threat to national security” and a “speech criminal.”  <br />
<br />
They never could have had the opportunity to persecute him under their edicts, however, unless the police apparatus of a third self-proclaimed “free country,” the United States of America—which to this day ceremoniously boasts of its libertarian heritage—selectively, and violently, applied its immigration “laws” by kidnapping him.  <br />
<br />
Many foreign trespassers upon American private property have compounded their transgression by engaging in the murder, rape, or robbery of Americans.  In the eyes of our masters, however, Ernst Zündel is far worse than any murderer, rapist, or robber.  <br />
<br />
You see, he is a man who dares to withhold assent to that which he does not believe, even when our masters insist that what is proposed for his assent is a holy dogma that all decent human beings must affirm or, at the very least, never publicly question, let alone deny.  <br />
<br />
Ernst Zündel, who had long lived in Canada, came to reside in Tennessee at the invitation of his wife, an American citizen, Ingrid Rimland.  He now languishes in a German cell (and may not re-enter the United States until 2023) while Americans “debate” amnesty for millions of trespassers.  <br />
<br />
In their lack of interest in this grave injustice, Americans, by whom I especially mean descendents of those who were Catholics in 1500, have revealed themselves to be as spiritually sick as their trans-Atlantic cousins.<br />
<br />
Because the recent appellate decision unfavorable to Ernst Zündel was issued <i>per curiam </i>(explained below), I am publishing a report of the details of this legal farce, forwarded to me from a friend, who in turn received it in an e-mail broadcast by Mrs. Zündel.  <br />
<br />
<b>I encourage kindred spirits among my visitors to disseminate the contents of this post far and wide.</b><br />
<br />
Anthony Flood<br />
<br />
<br />
<blockquote><br />
Sixth Circuit Court of Appeals Proves Politically Correct in Latest Zündel Ruling<br />
<br />
By Fred Lingel<br />
<br />
In a decision issued Feb. 27, the Court of Appeals for the Sixth Circuit in Cincinnati has unanimously upheld a lower court’s judgment stripping historian and pacifist Ernst Zündel of his right to be heard on a petition for writ of habeas corpus which was filed when Zündel was first arrested by U.S. authorities in February 2003. <br />
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The court held that the controversial German publisher had effectively bargained away his right to appear before a court because he last entered the United States under the Visa Waiver Pilot Program (VWPP) in May 2000. The court of appeals ignored Zündel’s arguments based on the U.S. Constitution and rejected his argument based on the expiration of the VWPP April 30, 2000.<br />
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Zündel has asserted that, because the VWPP had sunset by the time of his May 2000 entry, the attorney general and INS could not have permitted him entry as a “visa waiver” alien in May 2000, and were not entitled to enforce the agreement that “visa waiver” candidates have to enter into as a condition for not having to obtain a visa. Zündel was in a routine waiting period for U.S. permanent residence through his U.S. citizen wife, Ingrid, at the time of his arrest. <br />
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“Once again, Ernst Zündel has been betrayed by a federal judiciary which, in its rush to judgment, has tread roughshod on the Constitution and the letter and intent of the law in order to achieve a politically correct result,” said Zündel’s attorney, Bruce Leichty.<br />
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There is no precedent for denying an individual of Zündel’s immigration status a hearing on a habeas petition, said Leichty, who noted that the courts have routinely extended habeas rights even to illegal immigrants.<br />
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Recent appellate decisions have focused on whether enemy combatants held outside the United States have the right to habeas proceedings, but Zündel was never labeled as an enemy combatant or terrorist-despite ultimately being declared a “national security” risk by Canadian authorities after his summary removal from the United States.<br />
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“The law in this area is well established,” said Leichty, “and a different panel of the Sixth Circuit recognized in an earlier decision that immigrants like Zündel can obtain habeas hearings even after they are deported if they face a 20-year bar like the one imposed on Mr. Zündel. But this panel was not willing to apply the law.<br />
<br />
“At the time of his arrest, Ernst Zündel was a target of several countries based on his controversial historical views about ‘the Holocaust,’ and even though he was protected by the First Amendment [in the United States], those protections have proved meaningless without judges willing to uphold them,” notes Leichty.  <br />
<br />
If the decision is allowed to stand, Zündel would be banned from reentering the United States until 2023. He is currently 67 years old.Just weeks before the Sixth Circuit decision, he was convicted in a German courtroom of “inciting racial hatred” because of his Holocaust revisionist views. Zündel asserted that he is a pacifist who is neither anti-Semitic nor racist but that he is simply a champion of his German people, and that he has the right to express different views about what happened during the World War II, including what happened to Jews.<br />
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Zündel will seek a rehearing from different judges at the Sixth Circuit based on the unconstitutional suspension of his habeas rights and on known conflicts of interest of at least two members of the panel, says Leichty. One of the judges gave a prohibited campaign contribution to the Bush reelection campaign after being appointed to the federal bench and another has a daughter working in Tennessee for the U.S. attorney’s office, which handled the opposition against Zündel’s petition in a Knoxville federal court.<br />
<br />
Zündel’s attorney says he discovered both facts after the case was argued in January 2007. The judges adopted almost to the letter the argument of the Justice Department that sought to assert a distinction between the expiration of a “Visa Waiver Pilot Program period” and the expiration in April 2000 of the attorney general’s visa waiver authority itself-a distinction which was farcical, says Leichty.<br />
<br />
The February appellate decision was issued “per curiam,” meaning that none of the judges acknowledged writing the decision, and it was designated “not for publication.” There have been recent attempts to limit the extent to which federal judges can issue unpublished decisions because it is believed that judges are less accountable to the law if they know their decisions will not be widely read and inspected, notes Leichty.<br />
<br />
Only if Zündel was found to have entered the United States under the VWPP could the authorities have even thought about arresting him without a hearing, says Leichty. Typically, persons alleged to be deportable get hearings in front of immigration judges. Moreover, Leichty adds, even as to visa waiver entrants there are no published federal court decisions in which a court has ever denied jurisdiction over a habeas petition filed by someone who overstayed his visitor status.<br />
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Leichty states that at the time of Zündel’s arrest, INS had a policy of not taking deportation action against immigrants awaiting permanent residence through U.S. citizen spouses, even if they had overstayed visa waivers. Zündel had been given work authorization in the United States and permission to leave and reenter. Because a Knoxville judge and now the Sixth Circuit have claimed not to have jurisdiction, however, he has never been able to present those arguments. When Zündel challenges the latest decision, that will mean that he will have legal challenges pending in three countries. He has appealed his German “thought crime” conviction, and is also hoping to benefit from a recent Canadian Supreme Court decision which held that the “security certificate” proceedings under which he was detained in Canada are unconstitutional, because they permit secret evidence.<br />
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After a Canadian court declared him to be a national security risk, the Canadian government spent over $100,000 on a charter plane to fly Zündel to Germany, where he was promptly arrested on criminal speech charges for views expressed in Canada and the United States.<br />
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<item rdf:about="http://anthonyflood.powerblogs.com/posts/1173368182.shtml">
<title>Debunking 9/11 Debunking: Griffin Answers Critics</title>
<link>http://anthonyflood.powerblogs.com/posts/1173368182.shtml</link>
<description>...</description>
<dc:creator>Anthony Flood</dc:creator>
<dc:date>2007-03-08T15:03+00:00</dc:date>
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<b><br />
<i>Debunking 9/11 Debunking: An Answer to Popular Mechanics and Other Defenders of the Official Conspiracy Theory</i>, by David Ray Griffin</b><br />
<br />
“By virtue of his previous four books on the subject, David Ray Griffin is widely recognized as one of the leading spokespersons of the 9/11 truth movement, which rejects the official conspiracy theory about 9/11. Although this movement was long ignored by the US government and the mainstream media, recent polls have shown that (as <i>Time </i>magazine has acknowledged) the rejection of the official theory has become "a mainstream political phenomenon." It is not surprising, therefore, that the government and the corporately controlled media have shifted tactics. No longer ignoring the 9/11 truth movement, they have released a flurry of stories and reports aimed at debunking it. <br />
<br />
“In the present book, David Ray Griffin shows that these attempts can themselves be easily debunked. Besides demonstrating the pitiful failure of Debunking 9/11 Myths (published by Popular Mechanics and endorsed by Senator John McCain), Griffin riddles recent reports and stories put out by the US Department of State, the National Institute of Standards and Technology, the <i>New York Times</i>, <i>Vanity Fair</i>, and <i>Time</i> magazine. He also responds to criticisms of these efforts by left-leaning and Christian publications-which one might have expected to be supportive. <br />
<br />
“Throughout these critiques, Griffin shows that the charge that is regularly leveled against critics of the official theory--that they employ irrational and unscientific methods to defend conclusions based on faith--actually applies more fully to those who defend the official theory. <br />
<br />
“This book, by debunking the most prevalent attempts to refute the evidence cited by the 9/11 truth movement, shows that this movement's central claim--that 9/11 was an inside job-remains the only explanation that fits the facts. <br />
<br />
”David Ray Griffin is professor of philosophy of religion and theology, emeritus, at Claremont School of Theology and Claremont Graduate University in Claremont, California, where he remains a co-director of the Center for Process Studies. His 30 books include <i>The New Pearl Harbor: Disturbing Questions about the Bush Administration and 9/11 </i>(2004), <i>The 9/11 Commission Report: Omissions and Distortions </i>(2005), <i>9/11 and American Empire </i>(2006, with Peter Dale Scott).”<br />
From <a href="http://www.amazon.com/Debunking-11-Mechanics-Defenders-Conspiracy/dp/156656686X/ref=pd_bbs_sr_3/002-5798047-4332837?ie=UTF8&s=books&qid=1173367496&sr=8-3">Amazon</a>  <br />
<br />
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<item rdf:about="http://anthonyflood.powerblogs.com/posts/1172763086.shtml">
<title>The Essential Rothbard</title>
<link>http://anthonyflood.powerblogs.com/posts/1172763086.shtml</link>
<description>...</description>
<dc:creator>Anthony Flood</dc:creator>
<dc:date>2007-03-02T14:03+00:00</dc:date>
<content:encoded><![CDATA[<br />
I may be described as (among other things) road-kill along the way to the definitive biography of Murray Rothbard.  Ten years ago (two years after his passing) I undertook to organize such a project, with the knowledge of Lew Rockwell and the cooperation of his widow, Joann.  All I managed to do, however, is fulfill the prediction, made more than once in my hearing, that this effort would overwhelm me.  My enthusiasm for Murray’s story blinded me to the fact, obvious to everyone but me and perhaps my mother, was that I was simply not up to this gargantuan undertaking.<br />
<br />
It is therefore a joy for me to note today, which would have been Murray’s 81st birthday, the recent publication of <i>The Essential Rothbard</i>.  I have not received my copy yet, but it is apparently a literary miracle: his friend, <a href="http://www.mises.org/fellows.asp?control=5">Dr. David Gordon</a>, has distilled the essence of Rothbard’s intellectual life (which would exhaust the intellectual lives of a team of ordinary mortals) in a book a fraction the size one would reasonably expect it to require.  No one is more qualified to reveal the main roads and by-ways of Rothbard’s life of mind than David, with whom I have enjoyed exchanging ideas on and off for over twenty years.  (Seated next to him at Murray’s 60th birthday celebration in 1986, I had my first, but not last, encounter with Gordon’s unique sense of humor.)  For evidence of my claim, one should peruse the dozen-year online archive of his <i><a href="http://www.mises.org/misesreview.asp">Mises Review</a> </i>.<br />
<br />
<i>The Essential Rothbard </i>will complement <i>An Enemy of the State</i> (2000), Justin Raimundo’s “extended biographical sketch,” as he called it.  The definitive life of Rothbard awaits its <a href="http://www.mises.org/fellows.asp?control=10">Jörg Guido Hülsmann</a>, whose <i>The Last Knight of Liberalism</i>, the thousand-page life of Murray’s mentor and friend, Ludwig von Mises, is due out this fall.   <br />
<br />
Mises.org’s copy for <i>The Essential Rothbard </i>now follows:<br />
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<blockquote><br />
Here is the book for the Age of Rothbard, precisely the primer that is needed at a time when his influence—as the most radical and compelling intellectual force in the second half of the 20th century—is higher than during any time during his lifetime. <br />
<br />
And so this book is a landmark in Rothbardiana: the first, full, rigorous intellectual biography of Murray N. Rothbard, one that takes a candid look at his public and private papers to cover not only his economic thought but also his historical method, his political ideology, the Rothbardian cultural outlook and social theory, and guides the reader through the whole of his vast output. It even includes a complete (and massive) bibliography. <br />
<br />
The beauty of this book consists in its original research (David Gordon had full access to the private correspondence of his subject) and also its brevity: the biographical portion is 125 pages, and so the pace is super fast and the prose compact and riveting. <br />
<br />
It is more difficult than it may seem to produce a book of this scale. The author must be well-read in five different fields, and have absorbed the whole of Rothbard's output. And there is the balancing act of not only covering all these fields but integrating them with unified themes, just as Rothbard did. <br />
<br />
Here is where Gordon is most dazzling. He provides the reader an overview of Rothbard's thought and times but not in a piecemeal fashion but with an eye to conveying the Rothbardian worldview. All the while, he reports on such tantalizing treats as the notes that Murray took in graduate school. One can just imagine him scribbling furiously during class. <br />
<br />
Those who remember Rothbard's own monograph The Essential von Mises know what an impact that had. This does the same for Rothbard. And so the book will be useful for students, professors, reading groups, or just the curious multitudes who are asking: who is this Rothbard anyway, and what did he contribute? <br />
<br />
Gordon begins with his schooling, to show his early influences, and continues through his early career. He discusses how Rothbard slowly built the edifice, a full science of liberty, and how he managed to stay so active in public life as well. He even covers material that is yet to be published, so that the reader knows what Rothbard said about a range of topics that has yet to become part of the published corpus. <br />
There are many Rothbardians but few are prepared to do what this author has done. <br />
<br />
180 pages with index <br />
<br />
Contents<br />
Introduction <br />
The Early Years <br />
Rothbard's Treatise on Economic Theory <br />
More Advances in Economic Theory <br />
Rothbard on Money <br />
Austrian Economic History <br />
A Rothbardian View of American History <br />
The Unknown Rothbard: Unpublished Papers <br />
Rothbard's System of Ethics <br />
Politics in Theory and Practice <br />
Rothbard on Current Economic Issues <br />
Rothbard's Last Scholarly Triumph <br />
Followers and Influence <br />
Bibliography <br />
Index<br />
</blockquote><br />
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<br />
Order it <a href="http://www.mises.org/store/Essential-Rothbard-The-P336C0.aspx?AFID=1">here</a>.<br />
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